- http://graphitepublications.com/can-elections-save-the-baloch/
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- http://graphitepublications.com/spotlight-blase-productions-presents-bad-wake-up/ Prime, Nil, ENxVE, and enemc. Gabe, Nil, and Blasé are based in Montreal where they often spit and spin at local venues. Blasé actually played a set at the GRAPHITE launch party, while Gabe ripped it at a show at Cabaret du Mile End this past weekend. The other three MCs featured on the record frequently tear up NYC. [soundcloud id='84723668' artwork='false'] Though at first putting the whole album together crossed into sticky territory—location and distance being the obvious obstacles—the end result is filthy in the best possible way. Vocals and beats mixed masterfully, Bad Wake Up’s title is deceptive: I would be down to set my alarm clock to “103.” [soundcloud id='84723667' artwork='false'] The album is available for free download here. Click the cover to start the automatic download. Support & Like ! Blasé Gabe 'Nandez ENxVE Prime Ioan Delice Nil
- http://graphitepublications.com/a-tale-of-democracy-and-lions/
Freedom House, an independent watchdog advocating for democracy, ranked Rwanda and Ethiopia in their 2012 report as not free, and Uganda as partly free. According to the report, the situation in Uganda has in fact worsened in the last year, while economic growth increased. Is democracy a luxury that developing countries simply cannot afford?
There is a strong cross-country correlation between democracy and income, but no evidence of causal effects. Instead, a 2008 study by Acemoglu et al concluded that: “Omitted historical factors appear to have shaped the divergent political and economic development paths of various societies, leading to the positive association between democracy and economic performance.” Historical factors may also explain why democracy is often inadequate in a developing country context. Consider the following: national boundaries are drawn arbitrarily by colonial agents and a national identity never gained ascendancy over an ethnic or religious one.
Electoral democracy does not easily function in a deeply segmented society, as is frequently the case in Sub-Saharan Africa. A prime example of ethnic favoritism is Kenya, where in the most recent elections 98 percent of all Luo votes went to the candidate of that tribe. Against the backdrop of highly fragmented societies, some experts have argued that single party rule is the only immediate remedy for the pervasive ethnic divides in Rwanda and Uganda. There certainly exist benefits to reducing power struggles between political parties and doing away with election cycles: chiefly, enlightened leaders can direct greater attention towards pressing issues in achieving development.
The catch, however, is that authoritarianism has historically not proven itself a liable alternative to democracy. Post-independence Africa witnessed a myriad of strongmen who seemed to have meant well at the beginning, yet led their economies into fiasco and, while falling, tore a countless number of people with them. Sadly, the majority of these leaders began as champions of liberation struggles against colonialism, but with power they themselves became the hands of oppression. Take the example of Robert Mugabe. The promising future of Zimbabwe was piece by piece dismantled during the 1990s and 2000s by a number of disastrous economic policies that were naturally complemented by political repression. Authoritarian rule is cursed by arbitrariness – Willkürherrschaft – which stems from the unilateral decision-making of one man or political group. The legitimacy of any government boils down primarily to the relationship with its people, i.e. the social contract. Democracy is a comprehensive synthesis of political institutions—a way of organizing a government. In its ideal state, democracy demands competition for political power, inclusive political participation, leaders can be held accountable, the rule of law is enforced, and where people share a culture of democracy, accepting that democracy is 'the only game in town'. But there is no assurance of prosperity. In authoritarianism, on the other hand, the ruler promises his people stability and prosperity in return for compliance—or rather, obedience. It is when the social contract is broken that government’s either fall, mostly by force, or turn to oppression. In the short to medium term, democracies may falter and autocracies may progress, especially in countries with weak institutions and where periods of protracted political and economic crisis undermine people's belief in democratic governance. But because every government is bound to its citizenship via a social contract, authoritarian regimes are inherently instable. Such regimes promise prosperity in return for compliance, but past experience has shown that economic growth goes through stages of booms and busts. This pattern is likely to persist even with sound economic policies due to the complexities of the world economy and the increasing economic integration heralded by globalization. Thus, with economies bound to experience impasses, the social contract is bound to fail. And when it fails, institutions need to exist that saturate discontent rather than suppress it. For the suppression of thought attacks the universal right of the individual: the right to livelihood, to dignity, to self-respect. Protecting, respecting, and promoting human rights makes sense, not only for the sake of long term political stability and social peace but also economic development. Democracy therefore continues to be understood in Western thought as “the worst form of government except all those other forms that have been tried”—à la Winston Churchill. But the complexities of currents within countries have time and time again given rise to achievements that have questioned the efficacy of established notions. And while the economic success of Africa’s lions – Rwanda, Uganda, and Ethiopia – has instigated a more recent debate on the relationship between democracy and development, it has not changed the fact that authoritarianism is inherently coupled by repression—the unsustainable dogma of history.
- Elias Kühn von Burgsdorff
